The President of the BHRM:
The Future of Bahrain Depends on Respecting
Human Rights & Fundamental Freedoms
The President of the BHRM and member of the National Institution
for Human Rights (NIHR) Hasan Shafaei was interviewed by Al Ayaam
newspaper on 3/10/2010, during which he discussed the latest political
and human rights developments in Bahrain. He also provided answers
to some of the questions posed by the foreign media on the following
issues: democracy, the relationship between Bahrain and international
human rights organizations, allegations of human rights violations
and the future of the political and human rights situation in general.
What is your assessment of the security confrontations
between the Government and extremists?
In my opinion, what took place recently came as a result of the
escalation of the street violence, including attempts to block highways,
vandalism of public properties, the scaring of citizens and tourists
and disturbing the civil peace. This persisted for so long and the
Government only responded when it had gone too far. Two months ago,
the King stated that even if the law permits us to confront advocates
of violence, the Government will not forcefully impose the law.
However, the escalation of violence that took place afterwards compelled
the Government to take swift action and put an end to this unrest.
But the Government says that what actually took place
was more serious, and was in fact an attempt to overthrow the regime?
I believe that what was meant by ‘overthrow’ is that the ultimate
aims of violence and riots are the overthrow of the regime. This
can be clearly seen in the statements of the extremists themselves,
as they publically express their desire to do so. However, foreign
media read the issue differently, and thought that the phrase ‘overthrow
the regime’ meant that there was an armed group ready to attack
and take charge of the country. Let us leave it to the judiciary
to describe what really took place.
Some have attributed the problem to an increase in
sectarian feelings, claiming that this was the real reason behind
tensions, as well as behind the mutual reactions at the social and
political arenas.
I do not believe that sectarianism is behind recent tensions.
However, sectarians from all parties tend to take advantage of any
security unrest, which is usually followed by sectarian tension.
What took place was seen by some sectarians as an attack on Sunni
rule, whilst others saw it as a Sunni government assault on the
Shia public. In fact, advocates of violence do not represent the
mainstream Shia population, and the upcoming October elections will
confirm this. Sectarianism only thrives in a tense environment,
and sectarians take advantage of disturbances in order to exploit
them politically.
There are those who say that the Shia in Bahrain
are subject to genocide and massacres?
Genocide and massacre!! These are big words, and an attempt to
form political polarizations in order to exploit them politically.
How many victims have fallen as result of these so-called massacres?
None. However, this is merely an attempt to create a schism between
Sunnis and Shias, and is a false allegation and rumour with no credibility.
The Shia are citizens who have the rights of citizenship and are
an important segment of society, which no one can or wants to marginalise
or exclude. Bahrain cannot fly without its two wings: the Shia and
Sunnis.
International organizations view the events as a
suppression of the opposition. Is this really the case?
It is not the purpose of the regime to suppress the opposition,
but rather to protect the civil peace. Nowadays, the opposition
works under the official umbrella. There are 12 political societies,
and most took part in the last elections, and will participate in
the next one. The one who wants to suppress the opposition will
not initiate a political electoral process and undertake legislative
and other reforms. The regime attempted to avoid confrontation even
with the most violent opposition groups, which have refused to register
as political societies in accordance with the law, for the sake
of protecting the political process. In fact, many detainees were
released several times. The recent confrontations could have been
avoided, but violence on the streets of Bahrain has surpassed all
accepted limits, and the Government’s reaction was necessary to
provide the minimum amount of security.
The international human rights organizations, which I personally
work and cooperate with, are basically unaware of the situation
in Bahrain, and I do not think their description of the situation
is accurate. Although they document some human rights breaches,
they do not seem to understand the general political and reforms
situation. Hence, they have become preoccupied with the details,
rather than seeing the wider strategic dimensions, and have favoured
one-sided exaggerated information, ignoring the fact that a wide
margin of freedoms and openness exists in the country.
Do you think that the events have affected Bahrain’s
reputation negatively, especially among international human rights
organizations and the Western media in general?
The world is following what is happening in Bahrain, particularly
with regards to the security confrontations. It is obvious that
the media coverage and the statements of these organizations do
not serve Bahrain’s global reputation. I do not see any big changes
in the way international organizations deal with the situation in
Bahrain, and I believe they still have some shortcomings. Despite
the fact that the Government was criticised for the way it dealt
with a number of human rights issues, this time it did not care
much about the reactions of these organizations, to the extent that
it did not even respond to their letters.
I believe that international organizations have never appreciated
the developments achieved in human rights in this country. Today,
and after the strict security measures and decisions taken by the
Government, I wonder what these organizations will say. However,
sometimes I feel that some of these organizations have (unintentionally)
participated in aggravating political and social tensions in Bahrain,
which in turn has reflected negatively on human rights. Perhaps
the political regime in Bahrain felt that the negative assessments
of some international organizations will not change even if positive
developments took place. This could be the reason for not responding
to their letters. Of course we do not like to see any problems in
the relations between the Government and international organizations.
We also understand that it is in the interest of Bahrain and civil
society organizations that relations and communication between the
two continues. It is good that the Government allowed the representatives
of Human Rights Watch and Front Line to visit Bahrain and meet the
families of the detainees and officials, and that they received
media coverage of their activities and statements.
As President of the BHRM and as a member in the NIHR,
were you surprised at the resignation of the President of the NIHR?
And why did you not resign yourself as well?
Why resign when we have not started working yet? We are still
in the preparation and building stage. I believe that the regime
gave the opposition an important role to play in the NIHR, despite
the fact that they kept their membership in their own political
parties. This indicates that the regime was honest in cooperating
with the opposition and civil society institutions. Some opposition
members, with clear political affiliations and history, were given
the leadership of the NIHR, in addition to some previous opposition
members, among them myself and the former Secretary General of the
Bahrain Human Rights Society.
Despite this, some failed to appreciate the value of former political
opposition or human rights figures heading the Board of Directors
of the NIHR. The actions of the King and the Government reveal that
there was no intention to exclude any one from the political process
and public affairs. However, in the end, political affiliations
were behind the resignation of the President of the NIHR, Kamal
Al Deen. It is obvious that he was subjected to pressure from his
colleagues in the political party ‘Waad’. Abdulla Al Drazi was previously
subjected to similar pressures, which ultimately led to a setback-albeit
temporarily- in the position of the NIHR, as well as to a strategic
loss for ‘Waad’ as a political society.
If the reason for Kamal Al Deen’s resignation was due to a difference
of opinion regarding strategic human rights issues, your question
would be valid. But it is unacceptable to impose a political resignation
on a human right issue. The reason behind the resignation of Kamal
Al Deen is unrelated to human rights or to a position taken by the
NIHR. I would like to clarify here that I was against the issuing
of any statement regarding the recent events, as this is not part
of the national institutions’ work or mandate. National human rights
institutions differ from human rights societies; the former should
follow human rights events on a daily basis but not issue statements,
rather they should present a strategic vision, work plan and an
annual report which illustrates their interpretation of events and
their recommendations. On the other hand, local human rights organizations
have the job of issuing statements and condemnations.
Despite this, and in response to the desire of the majority of
the NIHR’s members, we all agreed to issue a statement regarding
the recent events. The president proposed a statement, which some
saw as weak from a human rights perspective, then another was formulated
with the help of the President and everyone agreed to it. But after
its publication, the President was subjected to pressure and announced
his resignation before we even knew about it in the NIHR. This is
what really happened and hence, it is not right to resign just because
the President has resigned. What the President did is not right,
and we as members should now work towards bringing back the vitality
of the Institution and maintain its credibility.
Where is the political and human rights situation
heading in Bahrain? Do the observers who talked with such hope about
the Bahraini experience have the right to be disappointed regarding
the recent developments?
My assessment is that what took place during the last two months
was necessary and limited, and does not harm or constitute a setback
on previous reforms. Rather, it was just a necessary measure aimed
at bringing the security situation under control. I hope that my
assessment is correct. So far, any violations have been limited,
and should not have taken place in the first place. There have been
assurances in the statements of Bahraini officials and the King
that the democratic process will continue and human rights will
be respected. In addition, parliamentary and council elections will
take place as scheduled and this carries hope of a better future.
It is expected that the turnout for the coming elections will be
high, and the election campaigns by political societies are currently
at the centre of public debate and attention.
The recent events should not disappoint citizens and foreign
observers. The future of Bahrain depends very much on freedoms,
reforms and the respect of human rights and the law. The accomplishments
achieved in this regard are great, and political parties should
strive to maintain them for a better future.
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