Transitional Justice:
Remedying the Past; Looking to the Future
As is the case when radical political changes take place in countries
which have moved towards a middle political ground or a transitional
period towards democracy, the Bahraini Government and society naturally
face many questions with regards to the legacy of the past, in order
to move forward and ensure that mistakes are not repeated. In general,
the political atmosphere during times of democratic transformation
permits serious questions to be posed and allows for the establishment
of organizations and societies which deal with the heavy legacy
of the past. Most countries have not been able to completely solve
the difficult issues concerning this complicated subject. There
are three main issues concerning this problem:
Firstly, how can we deal with the legacy of the past without
it becoming an obstacle in building the future? In other words,
how can we guarantee that dealing with the past will be correct
and appropriate without causing political and social upheaval? Accountability
should not undermine national reconciliation, and at the same time
forgiveness should not contradict justice. Hence, the concept of
‘transitional justice’ was introduced meaning that justice should
not be applied retrospectively if this is to cause tension and result
in political chaos and the return to dictatorship. Rather, justice
relates to the uncovering of the truths behind what had happened
before the democratic transition which includes genocide, crimes
against humanity, war crimes, torture, unlawful detention and extrajudicial
executions.
Secondly, concerning financial and moral compensation of victims
and their families and helping them to rebuild their shattered lives,
whereby they can return to their properties and resume their previous
jobs. In general, compensating victims and providing physical and
mental treatment as well as paying their expenses.
Thirdly, how can we guarantee that previous violations will not
reoccur? And what are the necessary steps that should be taken in
order to secure this? The answer to this question includes: promoting
the independence of the judiciary, training the security forces
on human rights standards and human rights culture, enacting legislations
which cannot be used by the violators (i.e. legislations different
from the ones that led to all kinds of violations in the past),
and creating a social, political and media climate which exposes,
and does not tolerate, any new violations.
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In more than 35 countries national commissions were formed, most
of which adopted the name ‘truth and reconciliation’ or similarly
‘fairness and reconciliation’ or ‘justice and reconciliation’. According
to Amnesty International, these commissions have only partially
succeeded in their goal to achieve truth through reconciliation
due to different reasons including: the lack of political will,
amnesty and protection of perpetrators, the collapse of the legal
system, the absence of effective national laws to criminalize certain
practices, and the existence of other legal obstacles which hinder
the course of justice. With regards to Bahrain’s torture file, it
was put forward as soon as political change started in 2001. The
following are some of the issues which cause the subject to be both
ambiguous and problematic:
Democratic change in Bahrain came primarily from the highest
political authority, which indicates the intention to depart from
the ways of the past. This has coincided with the expansion of public
participation, reforming the judiciary, ratification of international
human rights conventions, expansion of margin of freedom of expression
and establishment of civil society organizations etc.
Most countries where commissions were established had suffered
from many social divisions and some experienced civil wars. Others
endured genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, extrajudicial
executions, and enforced disappearances. These countries needed
‘truth and reconciliation’ commissions in order to heal national
wounds. In Bahrain, however previous violations were limited to
torture in prisons, which was officially acknowledged but not declared,
and therefore there seems to be no urgent need for such a commission.
In general the Bahraini Government’s policies, which came directly
after the announcement of reforms, included quick and radical corrective
measures. These included the release of all political prisoners,
the return of all exiles where a special plane was sent by the King
to bring them home, and the re-employment of unlawfully sacked employees
and compensating them, amongst other measures.
Some have suggested that Bahrain should compensate victims of
torture, and hold those responsible accountable. The Government
attempted to tackle the first problem through creating a focal point
in both the Office of the Ombudsman and the Ministry of Social Development.
However, this step has only partially succeeded in meeting its goal
because the idea of separating ‘compensation’ from ‘accountability’
was rejected. In general, accountability was considered a political
matter which has nothing to do with either ‘reconciliation’ or uncovering
the ‘truth’. In this regard, the concept ‘truth’ has two sides:
the first is the Government’s violations of detainees’ rights (through
torture), the second is violations committed by the opposition or
its affiliations which have affected the lives of tens of civilians,
some of whom lost their lives, whilst others lost their properties
in arson attacks. In many countries it became evident that ‘accountability’
will snowball into endless ‘accountabilities’, and instead of providing
a positive atmosphere which helps to overcome the legacy of the
past and encourages looking forward to the future, it could lead
to the opposite: i.e. living in the past and politicizing the issue
of past violations from both parties, the authority and some members
of the opposition, in order to serve the interest of each party.
This could result in overturning the democratization process and
abolishing the spirit of forgiveness altogether.
Conclusion:
*Forgiveness at both the official and personal level plays a
primary role in overcoming the legacy of the past, not by denying
justice but by relinquishing resort to it, especially if the breaches
in question had caused problems which are almost impossible to solve,
or may lead to the trial of several parties and not only Government
institutions. Hence it can be said that the option of dropping a
quest for trial is embedded in the very idea of ‘truth commissions’,
for uncovering the truth through revision and self-criticism by
both the authority and the opposition provides a middle ground,
and allows both parties to adequately learn from the past without
causing new wounds. It may also be sufficient to compensate the
victims morally and contribute in preventing the recurrence of human
rights violations in the future.
*During the post-reform stage one should not be lenient towards
any human rights violations committed by the Government or some
radical elements in the opposition. Most of the attention is directed
at the Government’s security institutions, which have announced
on more than one occasion that some of their employees were questioned
on the grounds of breaches of human rights. Another justification
for not digging up the past or reopening old wounds is to ensure
that the current political process remains on the right track and
that we are not distracted from scrutinizing the breaches that are
taking place now. This would encourage perpetrators to escape from
punishment, weaken the state’s institutions and make democratization
meaningless. It is necessary to put in place clear and suitable
legislations, which criminalize torture and any attempts to conceal
it. These legislations should also be strictly adhered to and implemented.
It is also necessary to strive for the formation of national institutions
with the aim of enforcing the legal accountability against perpetrators,
and the judiciary should also be given the power to investigate
torture crimes and prosecute those responsible.
* There are those who aim to take advantage of torture cases
to serve their own political agenda, whereas this issue should be
completely detached from any political agenda whose aim is merely
to defame rather than to provide constructive criticism. Bahraini
political and civil societies now have an opportunity to work towards
guiding the leadership’s course, holding it accountable for its
actions and preventing any potential excesses by the security institutions
through monitoring as well as legal and legislative frameworks.
It is also time to pass more laws which will make it impossible
to repeat past mistakes. Furthermore, we are able to build upon
what has already been achieved in terms of reforms and to expand
the margin of freedom by allowing society to partake in the building
of its future.
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