International Human Rights Organizations:
between Bassiouni and Saleh’s Reports
Bassiouni’s report was very much concerned with the human rights
aspects of the Bahraini crisis and holding those responsible for
human rights violations accountable. It also provided an adequate
description of the crisis, whilst presenting proposals and recommendations
in order to find solutions through potential implementation.
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It is unsurprising then, that local, international and regional
bodies, as well as political societies and countries interested
in the Bahrain, gave Bassiouni’s report a great deal of attention
for a number of reasons. Some human rights organizations saw in
it a confirmation of their statements and reports, whilst various
political societies applauded its condemnation of the Bahraini Government,
and used the report to support their positions and political demands.
On the other hand, western countries expressed their hope that BICI’s
report would constitute the first step towards addressing political
and human rights issues in Bahrain. For these reasons, there was
unprecedented international, political and media interest in the
report which was regarded as a reference point for documenting violations
and the recommendations it provided.
By comparison, the report of the National Commission in charge
of implementing Bassiouni’s recommendations attracted less interest,
despite being directly concerned with the steps that should be taken
towards solving the current crisis. It isn’t at all rights that
Bassiouni’s report to be given a great deal of attention only because
it condemns the Government and documents violations. After all,
the ultimate objective of the report, in addition to holding the
Government responsible, is to find solutions to the problems in
Bahrain. Bassiouni’s report provides guidelines towards such solutions,
and local and international human rights organizations rightly gave
it the attention it deserves. On the other hand, Saleh’s implementation
report is concerned with directing Government actions on the ground,
which means it evaluates legislations, amends laws, reforms Government
institutions and puts into practice preventative measures to avoid
human rights violations. In addition to addressing the violations
which have occurred since February and March 2011, Saleh’s report
also addresses the root causes of human rights violations in the
country. According to human rights literature, it is necessary to
identify the real causes of violations in a given country, as short
term solutions are insufficient without structural reforms of government
institutions, legislations and the practices of Government apparatus.
For this reason, it was surprising that Saleh’s report was not given
enough attention and evaluation by local and international human
rights organizations.. It was expected that leading international
human rights organisations would present objective criticism and
evaluation of Saleh’s report, as well as following the implementation
of Bassiouni’s recommendations and ensuring Government compliance.
We seek to draw attention to the strategic implications of the
solutions provided by Saleh’s report. The political stagnation and
security tensions do not serve the human rights cause in Bahrain.
Hence, all parties should participate in finding a real solution
to the problem and tackle the violations which took place, whilst
laying the foundation for a new phase where such violations do not
reoccur.
HRW Evaluation of Saleh’s Report
Human Rights Watch is the only international human rights organization
to provide a partial evaluation of Saleh’s report, and what has
been implemented from Bassiouni’s report. On 28 March 2012, HRW
issued a report entitled ‘Bahrain: Vital Reform Commitments Unmet’.
Regardless of the language used in this report, its concentration
on Government shortcomings, and the gaps in the information provided,
it does present a relatively useful and beneficial evaluation. HRW
justified this by claiming that it did not have access to some information
due to restrictions on its delegation’s visit to Bahrain.
HRW’s report presented the positive steps taken by the Government
regarding some of Bassiouni’s recommendations, and the aspects which
have not yet been implemented. HRW stated that ‘some of BICI’s most
serious concerns, like accountability for crimes such as torture
and relief for people wrongly imprisoned, were not adequately addressed’.
But when referring to Saleh’s report, this statement appears to
be inaccurate. Moreover, there are differences in defining what
is important and what is the most important, and Saleh’s report
does not claim that all BICI’s recommendations have been implemented.
In fact, the report asserts that this needs time, and the Government
(as represented by the King) also pointed to the importance of continuing
the implementation process.
The following are some comments on HRW’s report:
1) HRW’s report concentrates on recommendation No.1761, regarding
holding those responsible for breaches such as torture and killing
accountable (including those in higher position). HRW added that
it ‘knows of no efforts to hold accountable high-ranking officials’,
despite the fact that investigations have covered many perpetrators.
2) HRW questioned whether the decision to assign investigations
to the Public Prosecution Office would in fact meet recommendation
No.1722 (a) which calls for investigating violations by an independent,
impartial and effective authority, in accordance with Istanbul principles.
Bassiouni had also recommended the establishment of another permanent
body to examine all torture complaints (recommendation No. 1722(b)).
It is worth noting that a bill was presented to Parliament relating
to the establishment of a national human rights commission, in accordance
with Paris principles, to investigate torture and ill treatment
allegations.
With regard to the first body, the Government consulted five
foreign experts, and saw that the Prosecutor General should undertake
investigation. The latter also sent a letter to HRW saying that
there is no law which prevents adopting measures against any official
who is proven to be involved in the events, regardless of his position.
3) HRW’s report states that ‘other key BICI recommendations have
not yet been implemented, such as carrying out a comprehensive review
of court sentences imposed for speech crimes and to void convictions
imposed after grossly unfair trials.’ This relates to recommendation
No.1722 (f), and many detainees have been released as it is clear
in the records of Saleh’s Commission and the letters of the Prosecutor
General to HRW. However, HRW’s report connected the issue to the
21 detained political leaders, whose cases are still pending.
On 1 April 2012, The Ministry of Human Rights responded to HRW’s
report, commenting that the implementation of the recommendations
is continuing, and it has only been 130 days since the submission
and publication of the BICI report. It is therefore very early to
make a final assessment about what the organization claimed to be
“unmet reform commitments”. The Ministry added that this indicates
that HRW’s statement did not agree with the advice provided by independent
legal experts on how to develop and assign the independent investigation
mechanism recommended by BICI.
The Ministry’s statement added that until now, the Bahraini Government
has relied on the advice provided by a number of legal experts who
are pioneers in the world in this area, and has full confidence
in the legal advice it has used. The list of legal experts includes:
Daniel Bethlehem QC (renowned international lawyer who had previously
worked as a key legal advisor to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
in the United Kingdom), Jeffery Joel (a prominent lawyer in constitutional
law in the United Kingdom), Sarah Cleveland (Professor of Human
Rights, Columbia University,) and Adnan Amajan (Professor of international
and EU law).
Ultimately, this partial evaluation of Saleh’s report by HRW
is a much better effort than completely ignoring its importance,
and not giving it the necessary attention it deserves.
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